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The Birth Of BJP, Child Of Largest NGO

March 13, 2024 09:30 IST
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Immediately following its ban being lifted on July 11, 1949, the RSS began debating entering politics in the pages of its house organ, The Organiser.

Thus was born the Jana Sangh/BJP, points out Aakar Patel.

IMAGE: Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Sarsanghchalak Mohan Bhagwat and others during the 'Pran Pratishtha' ceremony in the sanctum sanctorum of the Ram Temple, in Ayodhya. Photograph: ANI Photo

Next year, the world's largest NGO or non-governmental organisation marks its centenary.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh was founded in 1925 at a single shakha in Nagpur and today, according to its website, has over 57,000 daily shakhas across India.

RSS says it does not keep a record of its members so it does not know how many there are.


Why was it formed? We are told the reason for this in the six-volume official history of the BJP, which was published by the party in 2006.

The party quotes Hindu Mahasabha leader B S Moonje as saying that communal violence frequently happened in Nagpur because though Muslims only numbered 20,000 of the population of the city, 'We (Hindus) felt insecure because the Muslims were never afraid of 1.3 lakh Hindus.'

Moonje felt this was because Hindus were divided into watertight compartments, 'each having a special and cultural life of its own that there is hardly any association between them'.

This was in contrast to the Muslims who 'form one organic community, religiously well organised and disciplined'.

And because of this 'any injury done to any part of the community anywhere if felt as keenly all throughout'.

The book says that the formation of the RSS was to address this problem of disunity of Hindus in relation to taking on Muslims.

It would work towards the cause of Hindu unity and solidarity and cultural nationalism.

Its founder K B Hedgewar went about organising Hindu society and addressing its two problems of disunity and the caste system.

He did both of these through the mechanism of the shakha, where Hindus of all castes would gather for an hour daily.

They would play games, exercise, learn to march and do some drills.

They would also sing songs together addressed to Bharat Mata.

The problem of caste would be addressed through their playing and eating together.

M D Deoras, the third head of the RSS described it thus: 'I was present in the first Sangh camp. In that there were quite a number of Mahaar brethren. At the time of meals, some began hesitating to sit with them.'

'They had never before in their lives sat for meals with Mahaars. They placed their problem before Doctorji (Hedgewar). But he did not enforce the discipline of the camp and ask them to get out. Doctorji simply said: "Our practice is to sit together. We shall sit accordingly."'

'All of us sat together for meals. Those few that were hesitant sat in a separate line. But for the next meals those very people came to Doctorji and apologised and sat with us of their own accord.'

Hedgewar died in 1940, by when the RSS had spread beyond Nagpur and had 100,000 members.

His successor was Golwalkar, under whom the RSS continued to grow and spread.

Golwalkar was pragmatic and felt the RSS had to operate within the law.

When the British forbade Indians in 1943 from military dress and drill, the RSS gave it up immediately.

The BJP says that an RSS rally in Delhi in December 1947 drew a large crowd and also attracted Hindu princes, businessmen and leaders of other Hindu organisations.

This popularity was something that alarmed the Congress, especially Nehru. On January 30, 1948, Gandhi was assassinated.

Golwalkar had sensed that the RSS would get into trouble once the details of Gandhi's assassination were out. He acted immediately.

On the day of the murder, January 30, he sent telegrams to RSS branches suspending operations for 13 days.

The same day he telegrammed Nehru, Patel and Devdas Gandhi with a message of condolence: 'Shocked at this cruel fatal attack and tragic loss of greatest personality.'

The next day he again wrote to Nehru expressing his shock and referring to Godse as 'some thoughtless perverted soul' who had 'committed the heinous act of putting a sudden and ghastly end to the life of poojya Mahatmaji by the bullet'.

He called the killing unpardonable and an act of treason.

That same day he wrote also to Patel: 'My heart is wrung with extreme agony. It is difficult to find words to condemn the person who committed this crime...'

None of this helped. Patel banned the RSS on February 2.

The notification said: 'The professed aims and objects of the RSS are to promote the physical, intellectual and moral well-being of the Hindus and also to foster feelings of brotherhood, love and service amongst them ... the Government have, however, noticed with regret that in practice members of the RSS have not adhered to their professed ideals.'

'Undesirable and even dangerous activities have been carried on by members of the Sangh (who) have indulged in acts of violence involving arson, robbery, dacoity, and murder and have collected illicit arms and ammunitions.'

'They have been found circulating leaflets exhorting people to resort to terrorist methods to collect firearms ... rendering it incumbent on the government to deal with the Sangh in its corporate capacity.'

Golwalkar was arrested on February 3 along with 20,000 swayamsevaks.

The RSS says it was shocked that no political party or leader spoke up for it. The ban remained for 17 months.

It was lifted after the RSS was asked to produce a constitution. This was written up and submitted.

The ban was lifted on July 11, 1949. Immediately following this, the RSS began debating entering politics in the pages of its house organ, The Organiser.

It published articles from RSS workers including K R Malkani who wrote RSS 'must take part in politics not only to protect itself' but also 'to stop un-Bharatiya and anti-Bharatiya politics' and to 'advance the cause of Bharatiyata through State machinery'.

Thus was born the Jana Sangh/BJP, today the largest political party in the world, child of the largest NGO.

Aakar Patel is a columnist and writer and you can read Aakar's earlier columns here.

Feature Presentation: Aslam Hunani/

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