'It would have polarised the Marathi-non Marathi divide further. Fadnavis had a very clear strategy: Let all Marathi people campaign for us (the BJP), and whatever results we get will be delivered by Marathi people only.'
The municipal corporation elections in Maharashtra have redrawn the state's political map.
The BJP's sweep of 25 out of 29 corporations marks a watershed moment in its journey from being perceived as an urban, upper-caste party to one with statewide appeal.
Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis emerges as the architect of this victory, having personally campaigned across all 29 corporations while deliberately keeping national leaders away to counter the Marathi-versus-outsider narrative.
Mumbai's results tell a nuanced story -- the BJP improved its tally modestly, but the real battle was won in the suburbs and satellite cities where the Shiv Sena (UBT) lost significant ground.
"Raj Thackeray has emerged as the unsung hero of the Marathi cause. Though he got fewer seats, whatever seats Uddhav got were because of Raj only -- his initiative, his aggression, his planning. He executed it well. The challenge for Raj now is to increase his tally and keep Uddhav's ambitions under control," Kiran Tare, political commentator and editor of The Perfect Voice e-newspaper, tells Prasanna D Zore/Rediff.
'Devendra Fadnavis will take over reins of the BMC'
The BJP won 25 out of 29 municipal corporations. What makes this election a turning point for the party in Maharashtra?
This is definitely a watershed moment for the BJP in the state. What's significant is that these aren't small towns -- these are major corporations, big in terms of population, income sources, and political importance.
The BJP has demonstrated wider acceptance in urban areas, and crucially, they've managed to enter regions where they previously had no foothold.
Earlier, in every district, there were certain pockets where the BJP simply couldn't make inroads. These municipal elections have changed that narrative entirely. We can now say the BJP is a genuinely statewide party, which wasn't the case before. This will have massive implications for future Lok Sabha and assembly elections.
Who deserves credit for this success? Is this primarily Devendra Fadnavis' achievement?
It's overwhelmingly a one-man show -- Devendra Fadnavis. His vision, ideas, campaign strategy, and the way he focused on specific issues in each area made the difference.
Of course, there were many people working at the organisational level, but it was Fadnavis who gave them direction and identified the key issues to raise.
What's remarkable is that he visited each and every municipal corporation -- all 29 of them. That's an incredibly hectic schedule, but he managed it. The credit goes squarely to him.
In Mumbai, the BJP increased its tally from 82 to 89 seats despite ruling the city through an administrator for four years. Isn't that a modest improvement for such a prestigious corporation?
Seven seats might seem like a small number, but context matters enormously.
There was a strong sentiment working against the BJP -- narratives about Mumbai being separated from Maharashtra, Marathi people being thrown out, accusations of being puppets. Against all that, Devendra Fadnavis and the BJP didn't rely on emotional issues. They spoke about the Metro, coastal road, infrastructure development.
The only emotional pitch was that a Khan could become mayor of Mumbai, and that worked in their favour.
Given that virtually all the sentimental issues and media coverage favoured the Thackerays, improving the tally by seven seats is actually an achievement.
Mumbai has traditionally been the Shiv Sena's fortress. After these results, who really rules the city now?
It's politically fragmented. There won't be any single person's rule anymore. Earlier, Uddhav Thackeray used to control things from behind the curtain. But now I believe Devendra Fadnavis will take over the reins of the BMC. Whoever becomes mayor or standing committee chairman will work under his guidance or control.
Since Mumbai is India's richest city and financial capital, Fadnavis will definitely want a bigger say in municipal functioning. Even if Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde heads the urban development Department, which directly controls the BMC, the chief minister has a significant say as well; Fadnavis will be the key figure.
'Outside Mumbai, the Thackerays are practically finished'
There's talk that the BJP might offer the mayor's post to Eknath Shinde's faction. What's the thinking behind that?
That's a clever political move if it happens.
On January 23, the birth centenary of Balasaheb Thackeray, known as the greatest champion of the Marathi cause, will commence. If a person from Shiv Sena becomes mayor during this period, it sends a powerful message. It would counter Uddhav Thackeray and Raj Thackeray's narrative that Mumbai has been handed over to non-Marathi people.
The BJP can then say, 'No, a Marathi person is there, Shiv Sena is there, these people are lying.' It neutralises the Marathi sentiment issue quite effectively.
The Thackerays invested heavily in reclaiming their old base. Are they the biggest losers in this election?
Outside Mumbai, they are practically finished. In Thane, they have just one seat. In Pune, two seats; in Vasai-Virar, zero; in Kalyan-Dombivli, two or three seats; in Navi Mumbai, nothing.
In the entire Mumbai Metropolitan Region, where (the undivided) Shiv Sena had a very strong footing and where Thackeray's charisma once held sway, they've been wiped out except in Mumbai itself.
Despite all the odds, the Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) managed to win 65 seats in Mumbai. How did they hold on in Mumbai?
The Shiv Sainik on the ground fights the BMC elections very intensely because he knows this election decides his future, his fate. This isn't new -- it's been a tradition in the Shiv Sena.
They might not be as aggressive in the Lok Sabha or assembly elections, but when it comes to the BMC, they become extremely aggressive and work intensely for the party. They've reaped the fruits of that intensity. Plus, Raj Thackeray helped more than people realise.
Raj Thackeray's MNS won only six seats despite his vocal support for Uddhav. What explains this poor showing?
The MNS was contesting on weak seats. Uddhav deliberately gave him difficult constituencies, and Raj admitted in his press conference that there were problems, people were upset, but this is coalition politics and he accepted it for the Marathi cause.
However, my assessment is that Raj Thackeray's intense attack on the BJP actually mobilised core Marathi voters to support the Thackeray alliance. Had it been only Uddhav's Shiv Sena without Raj Thackeray, I don't think they would have got so many seats.
It's because of Raj's charisma, his speeches, his press conferences and interviews that Marathi votes were mobilised in favour of the Shiv Sena.
Did Marathis vote en bloc for the Shiv Sena (UBT) and MNS?
Not entirely en bloc because they didn't get 100 per cent of votes. Many votes also went to the BJP and Congress. This has always been the case -- the Shiv Sena never got 100 per cent Marathi votes. But this time, those who voted for the Shiv Sena and MNS were determined.
Despite all the dissatisfaction and anger about Uddhav Thackeray's working style -- particularly regarding Aditya Thackeray -- they voted for them because Raj Thackeray said to. He told voters, 'I've buried my differences with them, you should too.' That's why Marathi votes transferred to the Shiv Sena.
'Ajit Pawar's future looks bleak'
Who among the top politicians should be most worried after these results?
Ajit Pawar, without question. His future looks bleak now. He couldn't hold his strongholds. He had no chances in Mumbai or Navi Mumbai, but Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad were supposed to be his territory.
After this election, he was under the impression there could be talks between his NCP and Sharad Pawar's NCP for a possible merger. I think those talks will be shelved now. There's no possibility of a merger because Sharad Pawar will never accept him in this condition -- Ajit doesn't have corporators or strength anywhere.
Plus, within the Mahayuti, his position will now be third. He used to be very close to Fadnavis, but after his allegations of corruption and rowdyism against the BJP (in Pimpri-Chinchwad and Pune municipal corporation elections) I don't think he'll enjoy the same status.
For decades, the BMC meant power, money, and influence for the Shiv Sena (UBT). What does losing that control mean for the Thackeray family's political future?
They'll still have some say in the standing committee because it's a mix of all parties, including the Opposition. But the flow of income will definitely be reduced. They don't have any major corporation now, no power in the ssembly, no power in the Lok Sabha.
The future is very bleak. However, I think they have reserves from the last 25 years, so they are banking on those funds. The real impact won't be visible immediately, but three or four years down the line, we'll see the results.
What are the biggest takeaways for the major political players?
For Devendra Fadnavis, it's clear: A well-defined vision and strong organisational support can win elections. His strategy was brilliant. He took complete control, and notably, no one from outside Maharashtra came to campaign -- no Yogi Adityanath, no Amit Shah, no J P Nadda. Even the new BJP president Nitin Nabin -- for whom this was his first election -- didn't come.
Modi didn't take any rallies or attend inaugurations. Even Kangana Ranaut, who's a BJP MP and has a house in Mumbai -- you remember her house was demolished (when Uddhav Thackeray was the chief minister) -- she didn't come either.
Was keeping national leaders away a deliberate strategy?
Absolutely. It would have polarised the Marathi-non Marathi divide further.
Fadnavis had a very clear strategy: Let all Marathi people campaign for us (the BJP), and whatever results we get will be delivered by Marathi people only. They didn't ask any non-Marathi person to campaign for us.
That way, no one can point fingers and say they brought outside forces to win the election. It was a very good strategy, and it worked.
What about Uddhav Thackeray's takeaway?
If his organisation was stronger, he could manage much better. The emotional quotient alone won't work anymore. He's survived in Mumbai, no doubt -- going from 84 to 65 despite losing 60 corporators to Eknath Shinde shows he withstood the BJP's attack. But he hasn't succeeded in grabbing power, and that's what matters.
Whoever has the power is the winner. Forget about seat tallies -- it's about who controls the corporation.
Uddhav should speak about what people actually want. When they talk about Marathi asmita and Marathi pride, it's not limited to Thackeray alone. Marathi Asmita is about language, food, culture, attire, cultural events -- all those things make up Marathi identity.
The irony is that the Shiv Sena (UBT) is supposedly the party of the Marathi cause, yet they don't support Marathi authors, Marathi journalists, or Marathi traditions. Their foundation day is celebrated in a hall built by South Indians.
In 25 years of rule, they couldn't build even a single cultural hall in Mumbai to showcase Marathi culture. People know all this. They opposed the Metro, they opposed infrastructure projects. It went against them.
He should do politics, but he shouldn't oppose what people want.
How have Eknath Shinde and Raj Thackeray emerged from this election?
Raj Thackeray has emerged as the unsung hero of the Marathi cause. Though he got fewer seats, whatever seats Uddhav got were because of Raj only -- his initiative, his aggression, his planning. He executed it well.
The challenge for Raj now is to increase his tally and keep Uddhav's ambitions under control. We saw last time (when he left the BJP and joined the NCP and Congress to form the government) how ambitious Uddhav can be. Anything is possible in politics.
As for Eknath Shinde, outside Mumbai, he's done quite well. He's kept his stronghold in Thane and Kalyan-Dombivli. He's managed a bit in Mira-Bhayander. He's got seats in Sambhajinagar, Jalgaon, and I think Jalna. Plus, he's opened his account in Vidarbha, which is a BJP stronghold.
Shinde is spreading his reach -- that's the beauty of it. He's now saying he's the party chief, and he's been touring the entire state, not confining himself to one city or district. It's a new party, so it will take time. But if Shinde focuses on organisational build-up, he can become a major force in the coming days.
© 2026