Commentary/ Saisuresh Sivaswamy
The Bihar crisis has shown that Gujral is incapable of applying his mind
All those who hailed the era of consensus ushered in by Prime
Minister I K Gujral when he took over must be wondering where
to bury their heads in shame at the turn of things. A suitable venue would be the Bihar chief minister's
bungalow, for isn't that where all the current troubles
plaguing the ruling formation originated?
It is not easy running a complex country like India, and if former
prime ministers did not appear to have over-exerted themselves
with administration, it is as much a credit to their aptitude as
much to the system they presided over. So when an administrator
like Gujral comes along determined to march to his own beat, it
makes for good music for some time -- till the effort
sets in.
Having done away with the established practices, the
incumbent is forced to look for means and ways, and that is when
the complexity of something like running India hits you between
the eyes. I think that is what is happening to Gujral now.
There are other factors at play here. It is not really Gujral's
fault that he chose the path of consensus over decisiveness, for
apart from his own personal conviction, the subject would even
be a personal article of faith with him. The circumstances in
which he was chosen leader of the United Front dictated to him the
need for taking everyone along. His predecessor led the combination
to a collapse with his brusque manner, and Gujral, no doubt, was
impressed with the need for a healing touch.
So far so good. But there is only so far that consensus would
take you. After all, when you are the prime minister, you are expected to take tough decisions. Fine, discuss issues till
the cows come home, but the final decision always rests with the
chief executive. Not with the alliance partners. Not with the
regional satraps. And certainly not with supporting parties.
Gujral's fault, it seems, is that he has over-simplified primeministership. And it is not the correct thing to
do in a country like India with contrary pulls and pressures.
If Gujral is convinced of the need for hiking the price of petroleum
products, then all he needs to do is to go ahead and hike it.
If he begins waiting for the Left front to come around to
his line of thinking, it is going to be a long long time before
the oil pool deficit is addressed. By which time the
gap will only widen.
Whether it is the petrol hike or any of the numerous issues he
seems to have vacillated, none of them has robbed him of his moral
stature the way Bihar developments and his response to
them have.
In the final analysis, it is not a question merely of a corrupt
chief minister stepping down from office; it is a question of
the prime minister tackling the crisis on two fronts: political,
as well as at the party-level.
Ignoring the fact the prime minister and the renegade chief
minister belong to the same party, or at least did before
the latter decided to hive off, what is apparent in the
Bihar turmoil is that Gujral was shown up to be incapable
of exerting his mind.
For, the prime minister is not only the ultimate
administrator of the nation,
it is also his duty to ensure the Constitution is
not violated in any part of the country, either in letter or in
spirit. And where such a violation has occurred, it is for him
to make his mind known to the President who has been vested with
necessary powers. Calling such action a violation of the people's
mandate in a state would be simplistic, especially in a situation
like in Bihar where the mandate has been well and truly forfeited.
Through the crisis that buffeted the polity, Gujral did not speak
his mind. Being a decent human being himself, he left it to the
sense of decency of the other person to do the right thing. Such
a course may have spared him of blood on his hands, but it has
not done his prime ministership any good.
That was at the administrative level. Even at the political level,
he has been found wanting. For weeks his party has been shaken
to its core over a simple question of intra-party elections,
but the prime minister did not as much lift a finger to resolve
the crisis.
And finally, when the party does break up, again there
is nothing from the prime minister!
Confounding his follies, he has even refused to drop three ministers
who are now officially part of the breakaway
section -- the first instance perhaps of the PM showing
some steel, but he could not have chosen a worse time to demonstrate
his resolve. The result is that the Left, which has been watching
the goings-on with some trepidation is not sure if the alliance
is on the right track. For that matter, most of the constituents
themselves must be wondering if this was what they came together
for.
It is not as if India has not seen indecisive prime ministers.
Why, it was not very long ago that P V Narasimha Rao brought new
meaning and clarity to the term 'vacillation'. But his non-action
was a studied response to a given situation, and often was used
with tremendous success against his political foes.
Gujral's, on the other hand, appears to be the indecision of a
man who, caught on the yellow line during peak hour, does not
know whether to go ahead and cross the road or come back. He may
appear unruffled, but that's of no help.
Not when there are almost one billion people watching to see his next step.
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