Commentary/ Saisuresh Sivaswamy
Bofors and the art of political maintenance
In ancient India, seven was a sacred number,
which explains the
seven swars, the seven rishis. But go only a little beyond, and
one ends up with saade-saati, that unique Indian concept when
ill-luck returns in that time-frame. None can escape the consequences,
it is said, and it certainly seems that Indian politics, particularly
politicians, is in for its round of the inauspicious phase, as
the Bofors conundrum returns to the subcontinent seven-and-a-half
years later.
For those who came in later, when Vishwanath Pratap Singh, affectionately
called the Raja of Manda when that feeling ran deep for him in
these parts, replaced his former friend and leader Rajiv Gandhi
using the Bofors scam as his, well, artillery gun, it was almost
before the time-frame we are looking at.
Never mind he promised
in the run-up to the most acrimonious general election witnessed
in India that if chosen prime minister he would unravel the Bofors
in 30 days -- one could put it down to either ignorance of the
arcane Swiss banking laws on the part of the ex-finance minister
or to an early, unnoticed trend of pulling wool over those who
voted for him. Pick your choice, mine is the latter.
But yes, if at all the Bofors documents are here, if at all the
nation is finally to get to know the names of the recipients of
the kickbacks, it is largely due to the exertions of the government
headed by Singh. However, rather than look at the past, at who
did what and who didn't do what, it should be far more interesting
to look at the fortunes since then of the main players in Indian
politics's equivalent of Santa Barbara and Dynasty combined.
The main accused -- and I use this phrase not in the strict, legalistic
sense but in the sense of him having become the main focus of
the entire scam, and well, the buck did stop with him since he
was the chief executive of the nation -- Rajiv Gandhi, of course,
needs no recap, he having met a fate one wouldn't wish on one's
worse enemies.
The Raja of Manda -- permit me to address him so, albeit there
is not a drop of affection in me for a man who couldn't look the
nation in its eyes in his telecasts -- in his shrewd manner used
the scandal to further his own means. After denouncing power,
he saw no contradiction in embracing it. The tremendous goodwill
he had earned, he squandered in no time, was relegated to the
fringes of Indian politics, had a brief shy at power when the
UF staked its claim to New Delhi's throne, and thankfully is nowhere
near where it matters.
Arun Nehru, Rajiv Gandhi's cousin and ex-hatchetman, who was
expelled from the Congress party along with Singh, became minister
for some time in the Janata Dal government, but today is nowhere
in the picture.
The Hindujas, who the nation accused of being one of the conduits
to the Gandhi household, have since flourished, thank you. They
have invested their fortune in India since then, and no one can
readily accuse them of being unpatriotic if their names are among
those who spill out from the parcel Central Bureau of Investigation
chief Joginder Singh will bring from Berne. And there is nothing
to stop them from grandstanding and offering to pay to the country
whatever they may have made on the deal. Rs 640 million? Surely they
must have made much more since then in India.
Win Chaddha had a rough time, for serving his masters faithfully.
His wife passed away, and I don't think he has been able to bring
her ashes to the country in whose eternal rivers she would have
liked to have them immersed.
Steadfast officials of the then regime, like Gopi Arora, have
had their day in the sun. So, when one talks of the seismic political
consequences after the names are out, let's not kid ourselves,
we are talking about the Gandhi family, and of course the Congress
party.
The connection to the Gandhi family must obviously come
from Ottavio Quattrochi, who is supposed to be a longstanding
friend of Sonia's family and who is supposed to be one of the
recipients. That perhaps should make the family jittery, but why
should it make the party so? After all, the man himself is dead and
gone, isn't he? And, pray, where are the jitters on the part of
the family? If anything, it is going ahead with the forthcoming
marriage of Priyanka Gandhi with apparently nary a care in the
world.
Perry Mason remarks in his characteristic style: Facts are facts,
you cannot change them. My own addition to that is that you can
draw various inferences from available facts.
The facts in this case are indisputable. Kickbacks, or commissions
if you want to call them, were paid. Obviously they were paid
to secure the deal with Bofors AB. And before we proceed further,
let's be clear about one thing: this is not a phenomenon peculiar
to India or the Third World. Leaders of the so-called first world
from USA to Japan have been caught doing worse.
My own inference is that the money was received in India, not
to line the Gandhis's Mehrauli farmhouse swimming pool with Italian
ties or to provide Priyanka with a mind-boggling marriage years
later. It was taken on behalf of the Congress party, very clearly.
Sonia knows it, so do the bigwigs of the Grand Old Party of India,
which explains the jitters for one and none for the other. Earlier
I had referred to those whose lives have been affected by the
Bofors scandal; there was an omission in that.
There was a Union
minister of state for defence in Rajiv Gandhi's regime by the
name of Arun Singh. At the height of the Raja's hate campaign
-- galli galli mein shor hai Rajiv Gandhi chor hai -- he had launched
a blistering defence of his childhood friend in Parliament. Charged
with emotion he had stated that to knowledge that neither Rajiv
nor anyone in his family had taken the Bofors money. Surprisingly,
he resigned soon after, quit the cesspool of politics, retired
to Kumaon in Uttar Pradesh, where he lives a reclusive life to
date. The visitors he seems to be encouraging are the avian variety,
apart from the occasional burglar.
He is one person whose life has been changed upside down by the
shadow of the Swedish arms manufacturer. He knows the truth; he
did not know it when he defended his friend, but subsequently.
If it was indeed his friend or his family, Singh's reaction would
have been far more extreme, as would be the case with men who
wear their probity on their sleeve. Singh knows the money was
for the party on whose ticket he had once contested -- hence such
a reaction. Hopefully, his self-invited saade-saati should end
soon.
Saisuresh Sivaswamy, formerly executive editor, Express Newsline,
will contribute a regular column to these pages.
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