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The Rediff Special

'Betrayers need bombs, not garlands'

Mahanta So what makes Mahanta sit up now? Obviously, the situation was going out of hand with the Bodos and ULFA striking at will at regular intervals. In the last one year, not only have they successfully attacked 'soft' civilian an targets, but also killed senior army officers, ambushed paramilitary forces, and blasted trains and railway tracks. And on June 8, Mahanta himself providentially survived a fierce bomb attack. ULFA claimed responsibility for the assassination attempt, and the outfit's chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa said: 'Betrayers need bombs, not garlands.' Mahanta's personal security was now at stake.

And the month of August was particularly violent. There were at least ten major incidents, including the death of social worker Sanjay Ghose on the 4th of that month. In fact, Ghose's death, in ULFA custody, brought the state's law and order situation under the glare of international attention and pushed Mahanta's government close to the brink of dismissal, yet again.

History seemed to be repeating itself and Mahanta was determined to prevent it. On August 23, the state government organised a high-powered meeting with the director general of military operations Lt Gen Inder Verma, chief of staff, headquarters, Eastern Command, Lt Gen A R K Reddy, GOC 4 Corp, Lt Gen R K Sawhney, and the joint home secretary for the North-East.

At this crucial meeting, it was decided to overhaul the intelligence system by bringing different agencies under a coordinated set up and consider the introduction of the National Security Act. Evidently, the intelligence system was activated before everything. The leads about Deka's treatment in Jaslok Hospital under TTL's medical scheme was accurate.

And the reason why Mahanta picked on the tea industry first is that the army had been pressing to plug the flow of funds to the militants. For some time, ULFA was concentrating its fire power chiefly on the army and paramilitary forces, significantly leaving out the local police. Although R K Singh, superintendent of police, Tinsukia, was gunned down last year, army personnel were being more frequently targeted in recent months.

The quickest way, reckoned the government, to bring ULFA under financial pressure was to halt the siphoning of funds from the tea industry. And the reason why TTL was identified for the state's first salvo was that it was the only company that had kept the administration informed, from time to time, about its dealings with the militants, TTL was indeed a soft target for the government as well!

Other factors, too, supposedly precipitated the government's action. Sweeping changes in the administration were in the offing. DGP Hrishikeshan was sure to be replaced. But Deka's arrest and the evidence gathered by the Bombay police about TTL's involvement gave Hrishikeshan a golden opportunity to save his chair.

For Mahanta too, the development was a godsend. It was his glorious moment to emerge as a tough campaigner against terrorist violence, and thus to refurbish his sagging image. Mahanta, like everybody else in Assam, was fully aware of the tea-terrorism nexus all along, but had never chosen to act earlier.

In fact, the tea grapevine has it that he was in Calcutta before the state assembly election last year, raising funds for his AGP party. Although he was slated to win, the tea lobby's response was only lukewarm, and TTL had definitely refused to pay. Observers in Guwahati feel the chief minister is acting out of spite and wants to put the tea industry in its place for having humiliated him when he was out of power.

It is difficult to explain otherwise the government's present zeal to penalise the tea industry. Sources point out that the Assam police was in possession of the account books of the NDFB for the years 1994-95 and 1995-96 which clearly listed at least seven tea companies -- besides government departments such as sales tax, forest and transport -- which regularly paid the outfit. These documents had been handed over to the police after an army unit recovered them in December 1996. So, why didn't the police act all this while?

Mahanta's gameplan is to emerge as the sole buffer between the people and the militants, and in order to succeed he has to have the tea industry kow-towing before him. He appears to have won the first round, but the challenge he faces is far from over.

Kind courtesy: Sunday magazine

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