Today, the real struggle in the Congress leadership in New Delhi, or more precisely at 10 Janpath, the residence of party president Sonia Gandhi, is to ensure that the ideas of Bengal do not spread to the other parts of India.

The spark was provided when Debi Prasad Roy, a relatively unknown politician considered loyal to the Congress president, was defeated in the Rajya Sabha.

"This is intolerable. We have to find out what the PCC chief [A B A Ghani Khan Chowdhury] and the others party members were doing," lamented Priyaranjan Dasmunshi, the Congress chief whip in the Lok Sabha.

Dasmunshi was appointed the working president of the West Bengal party unit by Gandhi as a restrain on Chowdhury. His appointment only fuelled the latent rivalry between him and the PCC chief.

The Congress party, with 70 members in the Bengal legislative assembly, sufficient to win the seat, was defeated. It was clear that at least eight to 10 Congress MLAs had voted against Roy.

Is this a challenge to Gandhi? Congress watchers and sources both caution against reading too much into what happened in West Bengal.

"Look, a single isolated incident does not amount to a revolt," said Mani Shankar Aiyar, whose office has been shifted from the Congress headquarters to 10 Janpath. "What happened in Bengal was only a reflection of the state's politics, which has its own compulsions," he said.

Yet, ever since the Congress party's worst ever electoral defeat, bagging only 112 seats, and its subsequent disappointing performance at the state election, there have been rumblings. Concerns have been voiced at the party lacking direction and, as some have openly proclaimed, leadership.

Two dissenting statements in recent times were made by veteran Congress leader from Gujarat, Chhabildas Mehta, and the new parvenu in the Congress, Kapil Sibal. Both are important for different reasons.

Mehta, a former chief minister of Gujarat, in a letter that he distributed openly, said that Gandhi must not aspire to the post of India's prime minister, the very issue that was raised by Sharad Pawar, Purno Sangma, and Tariq Anwar last year leading to their expulsion. He called on her to delegate responsibility and held her responsible for the party's degeneration over the past two years.

Sibal, considered at least till now a Gandhi loyalist, also voiced his concern at the party's lack of direction. While he was at pains to clarify that he was not questioning the leadership, his statements on television certainly provided grist to the anti-Gandhi mill.

"There is no doubt that right now there is real concern at what is happening to the Congress, and that Congress party workers are getting impatient with Sonia Gandhi," said sources in the Congress. "The clamour for introspection within the party is something which most decimated Congressmen feel... but they are keeping their feelings under wrap," the sources underscored.

However, while Delhi only has murmurs of dissent, the state units are far more actively pursuing their own interests. Sample the following:

"Despite the Panchmarhi Declaration that the Congress party will have no coalition, state units have gone their own way. Maharashtra was the first, aligning with none other than the Nationalist Congress Party of Sharad Pawar to form the government."

"In Orissa, dissidents forced Sonia Gandhi to replace her handpicked nominee Giridhar Gamang as chief minister just before the state elections, though of course it did not help the party win. J B Patnaik, considered close to P V Narasimha Rao and not Sonia Gandhi, continues to head the Orissa unit."

"Then, of course, there was the Bengal event, where the state leadership under Bengal unit chief A B A Gani Khan Chowdhury and former chief Somen Mitra openly defied Sonia Gandhi and ensured the defeat of D P Roy."

But do these disparate events spread over a year amount to a revolt? Or is it just a storm in a teacup? Moreover, are these instances just symbols of disquiet or will they cause some changes?

"There is no storm, there is not even a teacup," huffed Aiyar. "Differences in opinion have existed in the Congress right from the time of Mahatma Gandhi, it does not mean anything."

Congress sources who did not wish to be named, agreed that there were differences but said it clearly stopped short of revolt.

"Certainly, these cases show that Gandhi's authority is no longer what it used to be. State units are speaking up, but there is no cohesion among them to really have an impact," said the sources.

So far, the individual instances of not heeding the high command is still less than the sum of the whole. And each instance of revolt is confined to specific local events or issues, which once achieved keeps the local leaders happy and promising support to 10 Janpath.

For instance, Bengali Congress workers were apparently upset at Somen Mitra being denied a Rajya Sabha ticket (though Somen Mitra insisted he was never in the race). In Orissa it was J B Patnaik's desire to be the state unit chief (now achieved), and so on.

"Somenda is not a non-entity in our state unit, his stature should have been considered by the high command," insisted party MLA Manash Bhuiyan. "If you see who have been sent to the Rajya Sabha from our party, I think Somenda is a much more deserving candidate."

The simple fact is that every party has the problem of matching its national goals with the local level political requirements. "When they don't, there is some friction that produces outbursts of anger," said Aiyar, in defence of the Bengal case.

Moreover, even those who voice their angst or dissent invariably keep low. Sibal, for instance, has clarified his position saying he supports Gandhi and refused to speak further on the issue. Somen Mitra has categorically reiterated his faith in Gandhi's leadership.

Sources say that the single biggest hurdle faced by those opposed to Gandhi is that they do not have any individual capable of taking over the mantle of national leader. Not one. And Gandhi knows this, which is why she is not yet worried, the sources said.

"She is the only leader that is truly acceptable to the people across the nation and to the various Congress units in the country. All others are seen as regional chieftains. And until someone else can emerge as a pan-Indian leader, she is safe," the sources said.

Even the dissidents know this. Hence, according to the sources, they are working on a slow strategy to first embarrass and then oust her. "This method will take time, but the feeling that over time, more and more people will see Gandhi as a liability. That is when they plan to strike," the sources added.

CONTINUED: The horses in the race

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