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India's entry into the SCO may bring it closer to China

July 06, 2015 13:41 IST

Narendra Modi with Xi JinpingIt seems China is ready to cooperate with India in the central Asian region through the SCO framework, the reasons for which are manifold, says Sana Hashmi.

Prime Minister, Narendra Modi’s foreign policy overtures have been remarkable in the past one year attracting attention of both domestic and international critiques. India’s entry in the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and significant presence in the East Asia Summit and G-20 have demonstrated Modi’s comfort level in presenting India’s case at bilateral, regional and multilateral fora.

The 2015 Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Summit, to be held on July 9-10 in Russia will be yet another test case for Modi’s diplomatic skill probing whether he can get New Delhi its due place at the international stage. It may be noted that Afghanistan, India, Iran, Mongolia and Pakistan hold observer status in the grouping. The focus of the summit is likely to be on enlarging the scope of membership and widening economic cooperation, regional connectivity and security issues that make SCO more significant than ever for India.

India achieved observer status at the fifth SCO summit in June 2005, and is now striving for full membership. A formal application for the full-fledged member status was submitted in September 2014 during the last SCO summit. Pakistan’s application for the full membership is also being taken into consideration.

Though India has always showed interest in the grouping, eligibility criteria set for membership led to delays. It is worth mentioning that an applicant country has to meet a few conditionalities before it is accepted as a member. The conditions include: First, the applicant country should be geographically contiguous to one of the SCO members; Second, it should not have United Nations sanctions imposed on it; Third, it should have diplomatic relations with all SCO members; Fourth, it should have the status of an observer or a dialogue partner in the grouping before applying for the full membership; Fifth, it should have active trade, economic and humanitarian linkages with SCO members and; Finally, the applicant country should not be involved in any armed/territorial disputes with either of the member states.

While India has seemingly been active in engaging the SCO and its member countries, such attempts have been feeble to say the least. For instance, while most of the earlier summits witnessed India’s minister of external affairs in attendance, the forthcoming summit will be attended by Modi. Modi’s vigorous moves are complemented by emerging shifts in the grouping also.

For instance, China, which has been reluctant in approving of India’s candidature, is now backing India. China’s assurance to support India’s full membership in the SCO in the joint statement during Modi’s China visit in May is a testimony to that. It seems China is ready to cooperate with India in the central Asian region through the SCO framework, the reasons for which are manifold:

India’s full membership to the grouping is vital considering that it aspires to extend its reach to the central Asian region. India’s pursuit to connect with the region is a reflection of its ever-growing interest in the region. The time is ripe to add substance to India’s desire to play a constructive role in the heart of Asia.

To reinforce New Delhi’s commitment to the region, Modi would be paying state visits to the five central Asian countries this month. Modi’s subsequent visits to central Asia would also provide India with an opportunity to engage the countries of the region in a systematic fashion and advance India’s ‘connect central Asia’ policy.

That, of course, comes with the caveat that New Delhi has to overcome the diplomatic and perceptional pessimism that might creep in with China-Pakistan bonhomie and Pakistan’s entry in the grouping.

Image: Prime Minister Narendra Modi with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the BRICS summit in last July. Photograph: PTI

Sana Hashmi is associate fellow, Centre for Airpower Studies.

 

Sana Hashmi